Muzocan's Blog..


Merhaba. Orada kimse var mi?

Eksi Sozluk'te dolanirken bugun her nedense o lanet Chill Out Festival basligi tekrar gozume carpti. Bu sene kimler geliyor diye basliga bakinirken, hepimizin FG Radyo organizatorlerinin ne kadar kustah oldugunu ogrendigimiz 2008 senesine de bir baglanti vardi. Kendi yazdiklarim, beni bu kaybolan bloga yonlendirdi. 2010 senesinden beri yalniz biraktigim bu bloga geri gelmek beni tepe taklak etti.

Hala Blogger kullanan var mi? Hala blog yazan var mi? Veya soyle sorayim: Turkiye'de hala huzuru olan birileri var mi - giden yasamlar ve sozde politikacilar (yani hirzsizlar ve katiller) disinda buralara bir seyler tasiyabilecek?

Bu yaziyi goren arkadaslarim.. Eger bir sekilde hala buralara bakiyorsaniz yorum yazin. Bu blogun kaderini de yaptiginiz yorumlar belirlesin.

3 Serves a Day / Interview

I know, I forgot about my blog. It's been a long time since I wrote something here. I've been very busy with my new exhausting job at Apple Store, and I'll be busy until the end of the year. Of course I love what I do, so I'm not complaining about it. Really.

I've got three more things that I love to do. The first thing is designing things, the second thing is my radio show Alt Sokak, and the last thing is my new hobby 3 Serves a Day. (Hmm, I started to love the figure three.) It's still a hobby, but the simple idea behind the blog attracts more people to it every other day.

'The Internets' is a small world, so Pinar from the online journal called Futuristika! found my blog through Skoer's Tumblr and she liked it. When I got the e-mail from her if I wanted to have an interview about 3 Serves a Day, I was really surprised. But of course I said 'Yes'.

Big thanks to Pinar Ilkiz for having me as a guest to their journal, Ezgi Baser for taking her precious time to translate this interview into English and Skoer for his sincere support. And of course, thanks to YOU! You can find the original transcript here in Turkish.


As far as I know, you live in Australia. How did this journey begin?

Actually it was unexpected. When I learned that I wouldn’t be able to be a dietitian as a matter of some legal procedures, I came up with an alternative plan, and this plan led me first to USA and then all the way through here. I always knew that my mind was solely canalized for designing. And then I decided to realize this dream and came to Melbourne.

One of your specialized areas is “sound editing”. You also have a history of DJing. Have you initialized the project “3servesaday” as a result of developing a passion for music, or have you decided to use 3servesaday as a way to get your professional efforts’ worth in sound editing?

Music has been a long time pursuit and hobby for me. I actually believe that when I integrate my hobbies into my professional life, I can create my favourite works. For instance, Alt Sokak, my show that is broadcast on Radio ODTU every Friday, is a part of this hobby. If I don’t like what I do at first hand, it’s not worth to share them. And if I can colour up the lives of people that I love and the other people around me, then it’s a bonus for me.

Do you like all the songs you mix or are there any songs that you add for the sake of a better combination?

I love all the songs that I mix. All of them somehow left a mark on my life. Actually, “3 Serves A Day” is an extension of “Muzo’s iPod Diary” podcast that I once started but couldn’t continue with. This time, I don’t talk and let the songs tell my feelings throughout the day. It is possible to assume this blog as a musical diary.

Which one comes first for you, “music or misery”?

Of course, “misery”. Actually I would like to take one step further by asking the question “Would we feel alive if there were no misery?”

What is your favourite movie about music?

A bit cliché, but “High Fidelity” could be the best movie I have ever seen about music. As for musical documentaries, I would say “Blur: No Distance Left To Run”.

You are also interested in photography and video arts, but you have never supported your mixes on 3servesaday with visuals.

I would prefer “3 Serves a Day” to focus on only one thing, that is music. I keep the website theme as simple as possible and don’t want to it to be associated with any other keywords than music. I have a blog project in my mind which will include music videos and photographs, yet be different. But I don’t know when I will be able to carry out, blame my laziness. Hope we will see this together soon.

What are your favourite mp3 blogs?

I try to stay away from mp3 blogs as far as I can. But the websites that I generally follow include Drowned in Sound, Pitchfork Media, NME and SoundCloud.

AKP and Their Plans About Turkey

Thanks to Wikileaks.

ID: 101373
Date: 2007-03-21 15:33:00
Origin: 07ANKARA648
Source: Embassy Ankara
Classification: CONFIDENTIAL
Dunno: 07ANKARA610 07ANKARA629
Destination: VZCZCXRO1479
DE RUEHAK #0648/01 0801533
P 211533Z MAR 07

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 ANKARA 000648



E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/04/2017

B. ANKARA 0610

Classified By: Political Counselor Janice G. Weiner for reasons 1.4(b),

1. (C) Summary. Ever since its victory in the 2002 general
elections, rumours and suspicion have swirled around the
ruling Justice and Development Party's (AKP) "secret"
Islamist agenda. After more than four years in power, some
doubters are relieved to find an AKP that appears
conservative, Western- as well as Islam-oriented, reform
minded and democratic. Others remain convinced that AKP is
determined to impose Sharia law in Turkey and undermine the
country's secular system once it gains control of the triple
crown - the presidency, prime ministry and parliament - in
this year's double elections. The evidence either way is
circumstantial, but the issue is central to Turkey's future.
Turkey's traditional secularists (including the civil
service, judiciary and military), opposition parties and even
ultra and neo-nationalists are resorting to increasingly
desperate maneuvers, including rumour and innuendo, to
counter the perceived "threat" of an AKP-dominated
triumverate. Their concern is undoubtedly heightened by the
realization that AKP's reform agenda threatens the
established elite's traditional, top-down control. To keep
the public's trust and minimize tension as Turkish society
evolves, AKP leaders will need to continue to employ
broad-reaching, moderate, balanced rhetoric. End summary.

The Origins of Suspicion
2. (SBU) Those looking to brand the AKP as Islamists
determined to undermine the Turkish Republic point first to
the AKP's religious origins and PM Erdogan's political roots.
AKP evolved from Necmettin Erbakan's Welfare Party (RP), an
Islamist party founded in 1993. Critics focus on Erdogan,
who in 1994 as Istanbul's mayor, called himself the "imam of
Istanbul" and praised God that he was a servant of Sharia.
Later, in 1998, Erdogan served four months of a 10-month
sentence for inciting religious hatred by reading a religious
poem at a rally. When the Constitutional Court outlawed the
RP in 1998, Erdogan and other RP members formed the
Islamic-oriented Virtue Party (FP). When FP was banned in
2001 for unconstitutional anti-secular activities, Erdogan
split off from Erbakan and formed AKP with more pragmatic
members willing to work within the existing political system.
Erbakan and more hardcore Islamists formed Saadet (Felicity)
Party. Erdogan moderated his rhetoric, making it easier for
voters to turn to AKP in the 2002 elections as an alternative
to traditional parties, mired in scandals, corruption and an
economic crisis. AKP surged to power with 34 percent of the
vote, one of the largest parliamentary majorities in Turkey's

For the Defense
3. (C) Those who view AKP as reform-minded and democratic
are quick to cite AKP-backed reforms that strengthened
freedoms and democracy. AKP legislation that reduced the
military's influence in the National Secuity Council (MGK)
and eliminated military membership in the security courts and
the Board of Higher Education (YOK), among others, improved
the civil-military equilibrium that had been heavily skewed
toward military control. They cite as evidence of the
party's western-oriented, free market approach AKP's liberal
economic policies, which have stimulated the private sector,
increased foreign investment, reduced inflation and
stabilized the currency. AKP supporters argue that Turkey's
traditional power centers (the military, judiciary,
bureacracy) feel threatened by EU-linked human rights and
rule of law reforms that enhance individual freedoms. By
promoting EU membership, the AKP is slowly introducing more
balance into Turkey's strictly secular, statist society.
Supporters maintain that Erdogan's appointment of AKP
loyalists to influential positions previously held by
secularists has generated resentment against the AKP, further
fueled by the party's popularity. They frame attacks against
the party as desperate measures by entrenched secularists who
fear that further democratization will undermine their
traditional control and the economic benefits they derived
from state intervention in the economy.

4. (C) Opponents charge that AKP only pushed a reform agenda

ANKARA 00000648 002 OF 004

as far as necessary to convince the EU to begin accession
talks. Even then, AKP focused on those reforms needed to
dilute the military's power rather than those that might
interfere with the party's Islamic agenda. They note
Erdogan's support for greater freedom to express Islamic
practices (such as wearing the headscarf), and point to his
failure to allow Alevis, Kurds, Armenian and Greek Orthodox
communities similar freedoms. Suspicious that the accession
process is just a cover for the AKP's anti-secular Islamic
agenda, some in the military and opposition are reconsidering
the merits of EU membership. AKP officials admit reform
efforts have slowed, but explain that Turkey's bureaucracy
needs time to absorb and implement significant changes, such
as the complete overhaul of the Penal Code, Criminal
Procedure Code and Punishments Law passed between 2002 and
2004. They also note that parliament passed in November 2006
much of another major reform package, including legislation
relating to minority foundations and schools, military
audits, military courts and political party funding. In some
cases, parliament has had to re-approve the legislation to
overcome President Sezer's veto.

Circumstantial Evidence
5. (C) Conspiracy theorists and concerned secularists alike
build the case against AKP using persuasive but largely
circumstantial evidence. Many claim that Erdogan has used
AKP's parliamentary majority to weaken Turkey's secular
educational, financial and judicial institutions. They warn
that an AKP troika of president, PM and parliament speaker
would control the appointments process, transforming Turkey's
secular system into something approaching an Islamic
republic. They point to AKP-sponsored changes in the
strictly secular education system to allow graduates of
religious high schools (imam hatip) to compete for limited
university seats and qualify for government jobs.
Previously, imam hatip, like other vocational school
graduates, advanced to the clergy or other appropriate
professions. In addition, opponents charge that AKP has
undermined state regulation of private Koranic schools by
lifting age limits and extending hours of attendance. As a
result, the number of Koranic schools has increased
significantly, with correspondingly less government

6. (C) Erdogan is also frequently accused of trying to
infiltrate the higher education system with Islamist-minded
professors and administrators. After some university rectors
resisted AKP efforts to introduce more Islam into the
curriculum, AKP opponents claimed the government began a
harrassment campaign. Police arrested one obstinate rector
in Van twice in 2006; both times he was reinstated by court
decision. Legislation creating 15 new universities gave the
government authority to appoint the new rectors, rather than
the usual procedure of approvals by YOK and the president.
The law, pushed through over President Sezer's veto, is
viewed as an end-run to allow Erdogan to select 15 new
rectors of his mindset. Parliament currently is considering
a proposal to establish another 17 new universities.

Green Money Seeping In
7. (C) While many acknowledge AKP economic successes, some
doubters flag the alleged influx of "green" money from
Islamic sources as proof of the real direction AKP is taking
Turkey's economy. AKP opponents note that Islamist capital
is hard to track and question whether it is ultimately tied
to more Islamist policies. Increased investments from the
UAE and a promised doubling of trade with Saudi Arabia after
the Saudi King's unprecedented 2006 visit raised suspicions
among some western-oriented investors. The overall trend of
increased foreign investor inflows actually counters
insinuations of an Islamist take-over of Turkey's financial
sector, however. Investments from Islamic sources pale in
comparison to total foreign inflows and do not seem to be of
economic or political significance.

8. (C) Erdogan reputedly has manipulated the political
appointments process to place Islamist bankers in key
economic positions. Along with Finance Minister Kemal
Unakitan - a former board member of one of Turkey's leading
Islamic banks (al-Baraka) - Erdogan's appointment of seven
other al-Baraka officials to key positions in Turkey's
Savings Deposit Insurance Fund is cited as support for an

ANKARA 00000648 003 OF 004

Islamist take-over theory. In 2006, the PM virtually
paralyzed financial policy when he tried to appoint an
Islamist as head of the Central Bank against President
Sezer's firm opposition. (The compromise candidate has
demonstrated independent decision-making since his
appointment.) To round out the "damning" evidence, critics
cite FM Gul's background as a specialist at the Islamic
Development Bank in Jeddah from 1983 to 1991 and his reported
objections to state scrutiny of Islamic enterprises.

Packing the Court
9. (C) Erdogan is also accused of staging a take-over of the
judiciary. The AKP pushed through legislation to lower the
mandatory retirement age for technocrats, opening the way for
Erdogan to name almost 4,000 of 9,000 judges and prosecutors.
In a stand-off with the judiciary, AKP has threatened to
refuse to implement high court rulings against the government
for obstructing AKP-sponsored legislation. Similar struggles
between AKP and President Sezer have caused Sezer to veto
over 3,000 AKP appointments and send over 100 AKP-backed laws
to the Constitutional Court for review. But for Sezer,
Erdogan would already be implementing his "secret" agenda,
worried secularists claim. Economic reformers, including the
IMF, for their part, would be only too happy to see an
AKP-inspired change in the judiciary, which has consistently
blocked forward-looking economic reforms.

10. (C) Erdogan rebutted the secularists' charges in 2006 by
noting that the AKP hadn't been in power long enough to
reshape the judiciary. Rigid bureaucratic controls on
promotions and a 15-20 year career path for judges limit the
influence of any particular government on the judiciary's
orientation. But critics note that Justice Ministry
budgetary control over the Supreme Council of Judges and
Prosecutors, which oversees assignments within the judiciary,
gives the AKP indirect influence that can have a long-term
impact. The president appoints five of the seven council
members. The Justice Minister, however, heads the council
and controls its funding, which could discourage council
members from voting against the Minister's proposed
appointees. The most recent charge is that the Minister, by
not attending Supreme Council sessions, is preventing 29
judicial positions from being filled.

Small Changes
11. (C) AKP's strategy to infiltrate its Islamist agenda into
Turkey's secular institutions extends to the municipal level
and beyond, according to AKP opponents. The party controls
four of Turkey's five largest cities (Ankara, Istanbul, Bursa
and Konya). Measures by some AKP mayors to ban alcohol on
municipal property, establish women-only parks or equip
ferries with prayer rooms are seen as Islamic encroachments
on the secular system. Erdogan and other party leaders
explained the alcohol restrictions as consistent with the
state's obligation to protect children from alcohol, drugs
and gambling, rather than a religious proscription.
Municipalities are authorized to ban the sale and consumption
of alcohol on municipal property and near schools, religious
sites and related locations. Of the 62 provincial capitals
that have such a ban, 18 have non-AKP mayors. Of the 19
without alcohol bans, 14 have AKP mayors. As another
often-cited example of small but telling changes, critics
note that employees at the Health Ministry and state-owned
Turkish Airlines reported being questioned about their
religious beliefs and attitudes toward the Koran, an
unprecedented practice.

Internal Balancing Act
12. (C) Erdogan has performed a delicate balancing act to
maintain unity within the AKP, despite the sometimes
conflicting interests of its competing factions. Many party
faithful are pious; keeping their allegiance is central to
the AKP's hold on power but Erdogan has won them few tangible
successes. He has not upheld earlier pledges to lift the ban
on headscarves in public buildings, though his strong
objections when the European Court of Human Rights upheld the
ban in public schools resonated with the party's more devout
members. AKP's more conservation faction was disappointed by
the failed attempt to criminalize adultery in 2004.
Erdogan's attempts to put loyalists into government jobs can
also be viewed through the prism of rewarding the party

ANKARA 00000648 004 OF 004


The Jury Is Out
12. (C) Comment. To date, AKP critics can only muster
circumstantial evidence of an AKP Islamist agenda.
Opposition leaders, some media outlets, the military and
extreme nationalists have used this to play up fears that an
AKP triumvirate will allow Erdogan to make significant,
perhaps irreversible, changes that would undermine Turkey's
secular system. Using dramatic ad campaigns and threatening
rhetoric, they warn that Turkey may soon have an Islamist
president with a head-scarf wearing wife ready to take the
country back to the pre-republic "dark ages". President
Sezer, military leaders and the MGK chief have all warned
Erdogan against unconstitutional moves that might change
Turkey's secular identity. The secular establishment's
concern that AKP poses a genuine threat to Turkey's secular
system is undoubtedly heightened by the realization that
AKP's reform agenda threatens the established elite's
traditional, top-down control.

13. (C) Those not convinced of a nefarious AKP plan contend
that more than four years in power have matured the party.
Erdogan has had to moderate his message to balance factions
within AKP and lessen tensions with secularists threatened by
AKP reforms. Much of the party's success stems from its
image as being less corrupt ("AK" in Turkish means "clean", a
dubious claim for any party here) and more effective than the
opposition. Its record to date describes a center-right,
conservative party with Islamic roots that has modestly
advanced Kemal Ataturk's core principles of westernization
and modernization. Some of the changes tied to that process
will inevitably transform the traditional power balance and
strengthen civilian leaders. To keep the public's trust and
minimize tension as Turkish society evolves, AKP, and Erdogan
in particular, will need to continue to employ
broad-reaching, moderate, balanced rhetoric. End Comment.

Visit Ankara's Classified Web Site at


Jed's Other Poem

Gunde 3 Ogun

Oncelikle fazla sarhosken yazi yazmamam gerektigini asagidaki yazidan gorebiliriz. Onu orada tutuyorum, cunku bakip bakip eglenebilirim kendimle. Simdi okudugumda muzikle alakali birseyler yazdigimi en azindan ben de anliyorum. Tipki High Fidelity'deki gibi zaman cizgisindeki centikleri muzikle olusturanlardanim sanirim. Hayatimda muzik olmasa ne yapardim bilmiyorum. Zannedersem bu sebeple de sevgili Alt Sokak'a devam ediyorum. Hem Tuce'yle, hem de diger arkadaslarimla irtibatta kalmami sagliyor. Bir bakima yapistirici gorevi ustleniyor. Programi hazirlamak hafta boyunca tum vaktimi alsa da - Tuce'de, ben de muzik dinliyoruz "bu hafta programa yeni ne katabiliriz?" diye - ben bir yandan hobi olarak baska bir bloga basladim.

Boyle kasiniyorum surekli, sonu bazen husranla bitiyor ama bu hobi simdilik iyi gidiyor. iPod Gunlugu projesini hala unutmadim ancak onu hazirlamasi kesinlikle "Gunde 3 Ogun"den daha fazla zaman alacagi kesin. Bu yuzden simdilik gunluk taze taze miksledigim sarkilari dinlemeye davet ediyorum sizi.

"Isim neden Ingilizce?" derseniz, konusma yok, muzik de evrensel bir dil ve daha 'enternasyonel' olsun dedim. Sanirim iyi de yaptim. Buyrun efendim, 3 Serves a Day.


Cok cabuk akip gecen bir kavram diye nitelendirip bir yaziya klise sekilde baslayabiliriz. Baslayalim o zaman. Nerden cikti bu yazi diye ben hala kendime soruyorum. Dinledigim sarkilar ve ictigim Coopers Pale Ale'in de biraz etkisi oluyor diye dusunuyorum. Marillion'la tetiklenen bu yazimi yazarken kucuk bir orumcegin bacagimi isirdigini, yazinin sonuna kadar umarim hayatta kalacagimi da belirtmek isterim. Belki de son satirlar deyip anlamsiz paragraflarin degerini artirmayi basarabilirim.

Sene 2000. Ankara'ya ilk resmi olarak ayak bastigim yil. Daha yurtta arkadas edinemedigim ve Kizilay'da sacma sapan dolanip, bir sure sonra kapanan, buyuk bir alani isgal eden ve yer altina kurulu D&R'i arsinladigim zamanlar. O zamanlar Marillion dedim ya, Radiation albumlerinden sonra albumunu satin alip da annemin bana hediye ettigi Walkman CD Player'ima koyup dinledigim gun aklima geldi bir an.

Uzun sureli eski kiz arkadasimdan ayrildigim karanlik ve soguk kisti. Etrafimda bir suru gri devlet dairesi, uzun karanlik paltolariyla dolasan devlet memurlarinin oldugu ve aksam havanin saat 5'te karardigi sehirdeydim. "Yabanci" herseyi tanimliyordu benim icin. Kulagimda sevdigim grubun yeni albumu donerken, ben Kizilay'da hic istemedigim bir yone dogru yuruyordum.

Dogrultum Kumrular'i, yani eski universiteme otobuslerin kalktigi sokagi gosteriyordu. Etrafta isitma sistemlerinin beyaz buhar cikardigi devlet dairelerinin bacalari, turuncu isiklar ve karli soguk bir Ankara havasi vardi. Otobuse bindigim andan itibaren hareket etmesi bir olmustu. Sonra albumden Interior Lulu bana eslik etmeye basladi yaklasik 15 dakika boyunca.

Nedense o eski Mercedes servis otobuslerinde hep yalniz oturmayi sevmisimdir. Koltuklarin ayarlanamamis boslugundan mi bilmiyorum, belki de benim asosyalligimdendir, belki de sefa pezevenkligimden yolun keyfini oyle cikariyordum. 20 kilometre sehrin disina cikmak Ankara'da yasayanlar icin buyuk bir mesafeydi.

Herneyse. Konu daha fazla dagilmadan, hazir atmosferi ve nasil hissetigimi de anlatmisken albumunu - ozellikle Interior Lulu sarkisini - dinledigim zaman aklima kazinan nesneleri yaziyorum buraya. Eskisehir yolundan hep bu objeler. Eski kiz arkadas ODTU'den olunca karli be turuncu isikla aydinlatilmis "Bilim Agaci", sonra inin cinin top oynadigi Turkcell binasi ve son olarak Mesa Plaza. Hepsi aklima nasil korku filmi kazinmissa bir turlu aklimdan cikaramadigim seyler.

Ne kadar bunalmisim o zamanlar ve nasil da gorememisim bunaldigimi hapsetmisim kendimi.. Bu anlamsiz yazidan belki okuyunca daha sonra birseyler cikacaktir diye burada birakiyorum. Belki az yazdim, belki cok. Soz Marillion'da..

"You felt like this somewhere before,
Stirrin' up the bed of the river
Somewhere you don't like to go."

Andy Kaufman

Bu videoyu kac milyon kere izledigimi hatirlamiyorum. Hep ayni siddette kahkaha atmami sagliyor kendisi. Muhteremin gureslerini de izlemekte fayda var, YouTube'a bir sekilde erisilebiliyorsa tabii.

Photograph of Jesus